The proposed constitution gives legal sanction to government land grabs
March 14, 2013, 4:24 p.m. ET
Zimbabwe Approaches the Falls
By CRAIG RICHARDSON
Zimbabwe, since its independence in 1980, has seemed perpetually either on
the precipice of disaster or primed for great success. Over the years, it
has been called the “jewel of Africa” for its impressive gains in education
and its once-productive farming and manufacturing sectors. But when the
government seized large commercial farms through the 2000s, largely for its
own political ends, it led to a decade-long economic tailspin that now makes
Zimbabwe a third poorer per capita than it was in 1998.
On Saturday, the country’s citizens will vote on adopting a new
constitution. The document emphasizes improvements in human rights, freedom
of the press and equality between men and women. But one important element
is missing: the restoration of property rights to all Zimbabwean citizens.
That means commercial farmers who had their land seized will have no redress
if the constitution is approved. The language, in short, enshrines
government land grabs as perfectly legal. Meanwhile, even current communal
farmers will not be assured of land titles, thus binding them to a life of
grinding poverty, reliant on food aid and subsidies for agricultural inputs.
What the authors of this proposed constitution—and indeed much of the
development-aid community—have missed is that most Zimbabweans don’t wish to
be better farmers. Like most people since the dawn of civilization, they
want to be released from a life of farming. They want the freedom to try
other occupations that offer a better fit for their particular strengths. A
title to land enables its holder to sell it to someone else who may be more
skilled at farming. This freedom is the first start toward an economy that
grows in richness and complexity, and is less dependent on the vagaries of
world commodity prices.
Zimbabwe’s strong economic growth since it adopted the U.S. dollar in 2009
has distracted the government from the hard work of rebuilding domestic and
international faith in its rule of law, property rights and good governance.
The country now ranks near the bottom of the world in these areas, according
to the Fraser Institute.
Indeed, Zimbabwe’s recent economic growth is largely a mirage, with 65% of
it fueled by government spending that rose to $3.2 billion in 2011 from $257
million in 2008, according to the International Monetary Fund. As a result,
government deficits have grown rapidly, and since Zimbabwe can no longer
print money, it looks to China and the West for loans and aid to fill the
gap. Recently, the government offered all the future revenue from Victoria
Falls as collateral for a $381 million loan from Beijing.
Unless Zimbabweans vote no on Saturday, one day Zimbabwe’s enviable physical
assets will be traded away, and its strongest asset—a well-educated and
hard-working population—will miss yet another opportunity for betterment.
Mr. Richardson is an associate professor of economics at Winston-Salem State
University, in North Carolina, and author of “Zimbabwe: Why Is One of the
World’s Least Free Economies Growing So Fast?,” a study forthcoming from the
Cato Institute.